Its shores unscarred by six years of global war, the United States sat at the height of its power – military, economic, moral – on Sept. 2, 1945, in sole command of the most terrifying weapons ever conceived. In ushering the defeated to the surrender table, Gen. Douglas MacArthur assured Earthlings the former antagonists were not convening “in a spirit of distrust, malice, or hatred,” but were instead aiming for a new beginning that ran against the very grain of human history.
“It is my earnest hope,” he stated on the deck of the USS Missouri, for the creation of “a world founded upon faith and understanding, a world dedicated to the dignity of man and the fulfillment of his most cherished wish for freedom, tolerance, and justice.”
And yet, a nation that enjoyed a monopoly of unprecedented strategic superiority proved incapable of shaking that spirit of distrust. It refused to renounce the atomic bomb and created instead a pathologically opaque security infrastructure charged with keeping its secrets under wraps, unaware that the entire operation had been compromised long before the project first shuddered into the history books. Far from fulfilling an exhausted planet’s wishes for freedom, tolerance, and justice, America’s refusal to relinquish its extinction-grade bombs contributed heavily to their proliferation. In some instances, only dumb luck, an occasional accident of wisdom, or even the intuition of a single person in the right place prevented civilization from pulling the trigger.
Two years ago, small but grateful circles of cognoscenti bid farewell to the late Lt. Col. Stanislav Petrov, who in 1983 refused to report what appeared at first glance to be the launch of five U.S. Minuteman missiles headed for Russian airspace. Correctly suspecting a computer glitch, the Air Defence Command officer broke protocol and declined to relay the anomalous satellite reading up the chain. The chain was jittery, and bracing for retaliation for its shootdown of Korean Air Lines Flight 007 over Soviet territory weeks earlier. The superpowers commanded an absurd 40,000 nuclear warheads between them. For shrugging off the false alarm and doing absolutely nothing, Petrov was awarded the Dresden Peace Prize and became the subject of an award-winning doc, “The Man Who Saved the World.” We took the threat more seriously back then.
Fast forward 74 years to a world transformed in every way but the most fundamental. Among the noteworthy changes: the U.S. is finally, grudgingly, in small increments, acknowledging it must confront and fully explore a technology that, like atomic energy, has the potential to reshape human destiny. Only, this time around, it appears the technology in question is independently owned and operated, beyond the control of friends and foes alike. It flourishes at the edges of detectability, glimpsed and recorded but beyond our capacity to mount meaningful responses. Denial has not made it go away. Demands for resolve grow.
“The national security implications of getting to the bottom of these incidents,” wrote Mark von Rennenkampff this month in The Hill, “are beyond obvious.” The former Defense Department analyst for the Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation wondered if the physics of UFOs that “move effortlessly through water, air and space at extraordinary speeds” could also be used to bail us out of this pathetic environmental mess we’ve created. But what would be the consequences for the first to monopolize this energy? What would be the consequences for everyone else?
“Given the anti-democratic and authoritarian inclinations of some major world powers,” asserted von Rennenkampff, “it is imperative that such capabilities fall into the ‘right,’ (i.e.,democratic) hands.”
Just whose hands are right at this moment becomes less certain with each passing day; presumably, von Rennenkampff, an Obama appointee, was appealing to Capitol Hill. But not everyone is waiting for that deeply distracted and cartoonishly polarized puppet show to come around.
The Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division has quietly been filing patents for engineering designs that appear to mirror UFO capabilities. But To The Stars Academy, the private concern that singlehandedly reinvigorated the UFO debate in the NY Times nearly two years ago, isn’t bothering to tip-toe through the back door. On Thursday, TTSA announced it had hooked up with the U.S. Army’s Combat Capabilities Development Command and its Ground Vehicle System Center, and the result is a mouthful of acronyms that ends with a Cooperative Research and Development Agreement.
According to TTSA, its CRADA with CCDCGVSC will involve exchanges only of information, not cash. This information pertains to “technology solutions, which leverage developments in material science, space-time metric engineering, quantum physics, beamed energy propulsion, and active camouflage” aimed at enhancing the “survivability and effectiveness of multiple Army systems.” The CRADA also makes note of “advancements in metamaterials” that have been “designed, acquired and produced” by TTSA. And an Army project manager is evidently stoked, calling the joint effort “an exciting, non-traditional source for novel materials and transformational technologies to enhance our military ground system capabilities.”
Quick cut to Sabir Hussain. Hussain is the director of the Indian Society for UFOs (INSUFOS) and author of Accidental Apocalypse: UFOs and National Security. He knows the issues. If only he knew when to throttle back.
Last month, Hussain attributed the loss of India’s water-hunting Chandrayaan-2 lunar lander to UFOs. Extraterrestrials, he claimed, “have sent a message to the Indian government to ‘get rid of your nukes before you explore other worlds.” He submitted no evidence to support the assertion, and he insinuated the U.S. hasn’t returned to the moon since Apollo because it got the same message. And that had to make Luis Elizondo and Hal Puthoff, TTSA members who’ve worked diligently to avoid extravagant claims about The Great Taboo, cringe at least a little.
There is no more volatile border in the world than the 2,000 miles shared by India and Pakistan. They’ve been willing to duke it out three of four times since 1947, depending on who’s counting, and both have hundreds of nukes aimed at each other. Neither country has signed international non-proliferation treaties. And with climate-triggered population migrations already underway in portions of the Third World, the space both nations are paranoid about losing isn’t likely to become Switzerland anytime soon.
In 2016, Hussain petitioned India’s Supreme Court to authorize a study of The Great Taboo. Citing numerous instances of significant UFO interactions with nuclear weapons and platforms, he advocated for an educated security apparatus, so that early-warning sentinels might not be so quick to freak if some erratically-behaving over-the-horizon anomaly sent trigger fingers twitching.
In April, Army counterintelligence veteran Elizondo, now the principal investigator for the TTSA-CCDCGVSC CRADA, and physicist Puthoff, in his role as CEO of Pentagon contractor Earth Tech International, followed up on Hussain’s appeal. Each wrote separate letters to India’s highest legal body.
“We ignore the facts at our own peril,” stated Elizondo, urging the world’s largest democracy “to take necessary precautions to avoid an accidental India-Pakistan war due to misunderstood UAP activities.” Added Puthoff: “As someone who has spent more than 20 years studying the UAP/UFO phenomenon, I would humbly advise the Hon’ble Court to give due considerations to the petition of Mr. Sabir Hussain.”
A reasonable proposal. Then came last month’s Chandrayaan-2 failure, and Hussain’s charge that India’s lunar probes weren’t the only things ET wasn’t cool with: “Both India and Pakistan have been openly threatening each other with nuclear attacks. But what the leadership of both nations don’t realise is that they can use their nuclear weapons only if the UFOs decide to allow them.”
Guess that means the UFOs agreed with Uncle Sam that Japan had it coming to them. Twice.
Hussain’s unforced error tosses chunks of fresh red meat to debunkers whose leverage in this debate is slipping away, but it will likely be a brief distraction. As events unfold and military opportunities emerge, we are approaching a crossroads again, which begs familiar questions:
Do we continue to go it alone in pursuit of this technology, shouldering an unshared financial burden which may incur sacrifices that can’t yet be approximated? Do we hoard our discoveries in hopes that, by time adversaries catch up, we will have also developed countermeasures? If we get there first, should we exploit that advantage and use it to dominate our rivals, once and for all? Some corners said we blew it when we stayed our hand with The Bomb – were they right?
Last question: What would it take to get Pakistan and India to agree to collaborate on avoiding an existential accident, however theoretical or remote that scenario? It’s an important idea. Having a few more Stanislav Petrovs watching the monitors, trained observers familiar with UFO behaviors, would be a modest first step.